On October 12, just days before the Election Commission uncovered the polling dates for Maharashtra’s 288-member assembly, Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis participated in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s Vijayadashmi celebrations in Nagpur, fully dressed in the organization’s traditional uniform.
Earlier that morning, he had shared a tweet wishing the public on Dhammachakra Pravartan Din. This day marks the anniversary of B R Ambedkar’s historic conversion to Buddhism in 1956, an event that draws millions of Ambedkarites and neo-Buddhists to Deekshabhoomi in Nagpur to honor the occasion.
The proximity of these two key locations, just 6 km apart, symbolizes the ongoing tension between Hindutva and Ambedkarite ideologies. While Dalit activists point to the stark contrast, the Sangh Parivar promotes this situation as an example of ‘Samajik Samrasta’ or social harmony.
These conflicting viewpoints have coexisted for decades in Nagpur, which, as the largest urban center in Vidarbha, plays a crucial role in the region’s politics. “Fadnavis often engages in such balancing acts because no party can afford to alienate the Ambedkarite voters, especially the neo-Buddhists,” notes a Dalit activist.
Neo-Buddhists hold electoral power in Vidarbha, Marathwada, and other urban centers across Maharashtra. As of 2011, Scheduled Castes (SCs) comprised 11.45% of the state’s population, with the Mahar caste being the largest group. In response to the Supreme Court ruling, Maharashtra appointed a panel to explore sub-classification within SCs, a decision supported by the Matangs, the second-largest SC group.
The BJP’s handling of caste politics extends beyond Maharashtra. Following its victory in Haryana, the state’s chief minister took office on Valmiki Jayanti, while the Haryana Cabinet moved swiftly to implement sub-classification for Deprived Scheduled Castes.
Experts suggest this political move may have long-term implications, as communities gain socioeconomic status, potentially influencing fertility rates and shifting political allegiances. Kedar Naik, a political science professor, argues that sub-classification creates a crucial political dynamic that all parties will closely monitor.
Despite the problems of caste-based politics, some view these actions skeptically. Devanand Pawar of the Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee criticizes the move as a diversion from more pressing issues like unemployment and rural distress.
Neo-Buddhists in Maharashtra, traditionally inclined toward regional Ambedkarite parties, have shifted alliances over the years, occasionally aligning with the Congress-NCP or, more recently, the BJP.
The BJP’s evolving stance involves distinguishing between Hindu Dalit castes and neo-Buddhists. By representing historically underrepresented castes such as Mehtars, Khatiks, and Bhangis, the party has made strategic inroads among Dalit voters, challenging the dominance of a few prominent groups.
However, the BJP’s “Constitution in danger” narrative during the 2024 elections complicated its relationship with these castes, pushing them toward the Congress-led alliance.
Champat Boddewar, a research fellow, highlights the historical challenges faced by the Matang caste, which had limited political representation even during the BJP-Shiv Sena government of 1995. Meanwhile, the Congress has long had strong ties to Dalit communities, with figures like Sushilkumar Shinde, Maharashtra’s only Dalit CM, representing the Dhor caste.
As political alignments, every major party has made efforts to appeal to neo-Buddhist voters. For instance, in early October, the Centre granted classical language status to Pali, the language of Buddha’s teachings.
The following day, a Buddhist delegation met Prime Minister Modi to express their gratitude. Additionally, on November 6, Rahul Gandhi visited Deekshabhoomi, where he meditated and performed a Buddhist prayer, further demonstrating the symbolic gestures being made to win over this influential demographic.