An outgoing president frequently aims to secure the policies and programs he considers important, particularly in foreign affairs, where maintaining a positive legacy is crucial. On the final day of the Trump administration, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo declared that the U.S. government had determined the People’s Republic of China was guilty of genocide against its Uighur population.
This statement aligned with the perspectives of the incoming Biden administration. Just two days later, Antony Blinken, now Secretary of State, confirmed that he believed China was indeed violating the Genocide Convention and that his team would evaluate the previous administration’s findings.
Biden administration affirms Trump-era determination of Chinese genocide
Within three months, the Biden administration officially affirmed the determination of Chinese genocide. Additionally, the Trump administration’s national security team implemented measures to enhance the United States’ political and security ties with Taiwan, which faces continuous threats from communist China.
They authorized the sale of several weapons systems that had previously been stalled during the Obama-Biden administration. As the Biden administration approaches its final weeks, it is working diligently to solidify its primary foreign policy initiative: supporting Ukraine’s defense against Russia’s aggression under Vladimir Putin.
Biden’s actions regarding Ukraine are being criticized by Trump’s supporters as attempts to “Trump-proof” his presidency, particularly given Trump’s insistence that he would end the war in Ukraine immediately if he were to take office.
Fulfilling such a promise could potentially require Ukraine to cede some of its territory to Russian forces, which would undermine the principle of territorial integrity established after World War II. Critics also point to the initial tensions between Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, as well as Trump’s expressed admiration for Putin.
However, this perspective overlooks the fact that in 2018, Trump lifted restrictions on the transfer of several weapons systems that had been delayed by the Obama-Biden administration due to fears of provoking Putin. Moreover, Trump enacted an unprecedented number of sanctions against Russia.
Given Trump’s history of unpredictable and bold actions, he might choose to intervene on Ukraine’s behalf, aiming to prevent further destruction and the possibility of defeat at the hands of Putin.
This intervention could also serve to address the stagnation that has accompanied the Biden administration’s approach, which has added to the suffering of Ukrainians without altering the war’s trajectory. Trump could insist that NATO fulfill its obligations to guarantee Ukraine’s security, thereby demonstrating that he is not beholden to Putin, whose oppressive regime has severely impacted both Russians and Ukrainians.
If this optimistic scenario comes to fruition, both Biden and Trump could take credit for a remarkable and overdue victory for democracy over authoritarianism and for the rules-based international order. A favorable outcome for Ukraine might also serve as a pivotal moment for the Russian people, potentially accelerating the end of Putin’s lengthy rule.
In a related development that has angered China, the Biden administration recently approved $385 million in new arms sales to Taiwan, including spare parts for fighter jets and radar systems. This move follows the announcement of a $2 billion arms package for Taiwan that included advanced surface-to-air missile systems and radar, reflecting an increasing tempo of military assistance.
Biden has also sanctioned two “transit stopovers” for Taiwan’s newly elected president, William Lai, who will stop in Hawaii and Guam en route to Pacific allies like the Marshall Islands, Tuvalu, and Palau, all of which China condemns as actions that promote Taiwan’s separation from the mainland.
The Biden administration’s pro-Taiwan policies closely resemble the groundwork laid by Trump’s team, which shifted U.S. policy from engagement and accommodation to a more skeptical stance regarding Chinese intentions.
This shift began with Trump’s unprecedented acceptance of a congratulatory call from Taiwan’s then-President Tsai Ing-wen, despite Beijing’s strong objections—an action that had previously been unheard of in U.S.-China relations. This marked the beginning of a series of actions that reversed decades of U.S. deference to Beijing.
Biden’s administration appears to have adopted many of Trump’s policies, including tariffs and sanctions against China, which they have found beneficial. It is hoped that these earlier policies will prevail over some of Trump’s post-presidency remarks that have been critical of Taiwan and seemingly sympathetic toward Xi Jinping.
Trump faces a choice regarding his foreign policy legacy, with the opportunity to either enhance or tarnish his record. He has the potential to carve out a new path that could align him with a heroic narrative in history.
Joseph Bosco held positions as China country director for the Secretary of Defense from 2005 to 2006 and as Asia-Pacific director of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief from 2009 to 2010. He is currently a nonresident fellow at the Institute for Corean-American Studies and serves on the advisory boards of both the Global Taiwan Institute and The Vandenberg Coalition.
